A Code Geass Worldsmerge: Pax Britannia meets Washington Succeeds

[Libertad]

Originally posted here in AH dot com (Need account to view the ASB section of the forum).
Crossposted here in Spacebattles
Crossposted in Sufficient Velocity
Crossposted in AO3
Plans to crosspost in Fanfiction dot net in the coming days
There are other places that might be possible like Royal Road.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

This is something that I've been thinking of doing for a long time.

This is a self-contained multiverse project.

I've always wanted to explore how two Code Geass universes with very different histories might deal with each other and I have here a universe that is an adjusted/modified version of the canon that I call the "Pax Britannia" timeline and an alternate universe that diverged from the Pax Britannia timeline, a universe where the "Washington's Revolt/Rebellion" became successful and created the United States of America. I call this the "Washington Succeeds" timeline.

There's actually a third universe and I call it the "Our Timeline With Geass" (OTLWG), with a history that is roughly similar to ours. But it's only a timeline that is a source for "future information" by one of the Geass-powered tools that gives people in "Washington Succeeds" (the Order of Freedom) an ability to gain future knowledge. So while this third universe is a variation of the "Washington Succeeds" timeline where world history matched up to real life, I'm not going to explore this universe too much from a standpoint of telling everyone how the United States developed Knightmare Frames during the 2000s or if Adolf Hitler or the Beatles have Geass. This third universe is only useful in giving the characters in Washington Succeeds an ability to gain future knowledge in terms of technological trends, societal changes, etc. and use these information in order to create a better timeline through Washington Succeeds. They do not know about the Pax Britannia timeline at all.

So you have two timelines:

- A timeline roughly similar to canon called "Pax Britannia"
- An alternate timeline from where the American Revolution is successful called "Washington Succeeds".

The plan is shortly before the start of the Code Geass storyline in 2017 AD (no atb), Washington Succeeds and Pax Britannia would meet in a giant portal that will open up somewhere that I haven't decided yet. I've been thinking that it should be in the oceans either near Alaska or Iceland. It could even be two portals, a Pacific Portal and an Atlantic Portal.

It may even lead to things like a student delegation from Washington Succeeds going to Britannia and head out to Ashford Academy and meeting the main characters over there. As to how different the main characters are from their canon counterparts, I'm not completely sure yet but stay tuned.

There are two big references for this project whose concepts, ideas, people that I've borrowed and adapted.

I was given permission by okmangeez to adopt concepts, ideas, characters from his work, The American Dream: An American Officer ISOT'ed to the Revolutionary War thanks to our talk in reddit back in February this year. As for Big Tex regarding his work, The United States of Ameriwank/Empire of Liberty , I doubt that he will be able to give me his permission anytime soon but the Strangerverse has been around since 2008 with all of its spin-offs that I doubt I'll be needing it. I also don't know when he'll be back (he's not seen in AH dot com since the start of the pandemic) and I know he's very busy in real life doing things (I've researched).

Those who have extensive knowledge of these two works may have an idea already as to what the timeline "Washington Succeeds" is all about.

And from there comes my real purpose, which is that I can finally make my own worldbuilding lore that is remotely like the United States of Ameriwank/The American Dream (Washington Succeeds) and of Code Geass canon (Pax Britannia).

For fans of one or two of these works, let me know your thoughts because I think you all know how things could be very different.
For others who did not know anything about most of this, that works even better for me.

Main references:

Big Tex's United States of Ameriwank/Empire of Liberty
Okmangeez's The American Dream: An American Officer ISOT'ed to the Revolutionary War (AH dot com)
Okmangeez's The American Dream: An American Officer ISOT'ed to the Revolutionary War Part 2 (AH dot com)
Okmangeez's The American Dream: An American Officer ISOT'ed to the Revolutionary War (Spacebattles)
Code Geass Megiddo (Fanfiction dot net)
Holy Britannian Empire wiki article Code Geass Megiddo (Fanon)
Code Geass Megiddo Word Dramas (Fanfiction dot net)
Holy Britannian Empire wiki article Code Geass The Sum of Our Choices (Fanon)
A Cold Calculus (Fanfiction dot net)
A Golden Meridian (Fanfiction dot net)
Lelouch of Britannia (Fanfiction dot net)
Semper Ad Meliora A Code Geass Britannian Royalty Quest (Sufficient Velocity)
Dauntless (Fanfiction dot net)
Separated At Birth: America and Drakia (AH dot com)
Separated At Birth: America and Drakia (Sufficient Velocity)
Decades of Darkness
Code Geass canon World History
Jonathan Edelstein's Male Rising (AH dot com wiki)
Misadventures from a Tripolar World (AH dot com)

--------------------------------------------------------------------


The Gathering of the Order of Liberty

Date: May 1775.
Location: A secluded monastery deep in the Himalayas.

It was as though time had stood still in the room, illuminated by oil lights that flickered in the darkness. The room's antique walls bore silent testimony to many gatherings of wisdom and purpose. But this time is unlike any other as a moment of immense significance is taking place, and the faint chanting of the monks outside creates a peaceful backdrop for it.

Each man had arrived through a swirling, mysterious portal, a phenomenon that defied explanation. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Patrick Henry, John Hancock, Richard Henry Lee, and Joseph Brant had all emerged one by one, guided through the portal by another mysterious man George Washington had introduced to them. Their astonishment gave way to excited whispers as they recognized one another. Benjamin Franklin had arrived before them and was already deep in animated conversation with a striking green-haired woman seated near the edge of the room.

"Gentlemen, allow me to introduce the beautiful Cecilia," Franklin declared with a wry smile, gesturing toward the woman. Her whole presence exuded a mysterious grace that momentarily caused the men to be unable to articulate their thoughts. In a manner that barely hid their curiosity, each man bowed to her and kissed her hand. Even though the woman in question stared at Franklin with a little hint of displeasure but chose to keep her mouth shut, Franklin's countenance conveyed the gratification of a guy who knew more than he let on.

The portal opened again, and Thomas Jefferson stepped through, his composure briefly shaken by the otherworldly phenomenon. John Adams greeted him warmly, clasping his hand in a show of camaraderie. "Mr. Jefferson," Adams said, his voice carrying a note of relief. "I was beginning to think you'd miss this extraordinary gathering."
Jefferson returned the handshake, his eyes scanning the room. "If the circumstances of my arrival are any indication, I'd say this is unlike anything we've ever experienced."

The portal appeared again, revealing George Washington's commanding presence, silencing the conversations around the room. Behind him, a man entered with measured steps. His sharp cheekbones and almond-shaped eyes distinguished him among the European faces. Though dressed simply, his quiet dignity and the mystery surrounding him drew every eye. The men noticed him holding a pocket watch, which he clicked before the portal closed before them.

Before any of the men asked questions about that, George Washington sat, gesturing for the other men to sit with him, his voice carrying a deliberate weight. "Gentlemen, as you all know, this meeting is no accident. You have been brought here by design for a purpose greater than any one of us. Today or tonight, you will hear truths that challenge everything you know. Listen with open minds, for what you learn tonight will shape the course of history."

He gestured toward the mysterious man. "This great man has traveled far, not just in distance but in purpose. It is time you all hear his story. Mr. Kim…"

The dark eyes of the man that George Washington referred to as Mr. Kim scanned the room. "Gentlemen," he began, his voice steady and deliberate. "My presence here raises many questions. I am not a man of your backgrounds, your education, or even your traditions. But I stand here today because I believe in the same cause you do: liberty—not just for some, but for all."

The men exchanged glances, their skepticism tempered by curiosity. Benjamin Franklin leaned forward, his keen eyes fixed on Samuel. "I believe you have our attention, Mr. Kim. Please tell us your story." The man nodded at that.

He started it out with a voice that was calm yet tinted with affection. "My name is Samuel Kim. I was born roughly twenty-six years ago in Hanyang, in the kingdom of Joseon…"

Benjamin Franklin tilted his head, his curiosity evident. "Joseon, you say? Where might that be?"

Samuel offered a faint smile. "You may know it from Marco Polo's writings, Dr. Franklin. He called it 'Cauli.'"

Franklin's eyes brightened. "Ah, yes! Cauli. A land distant and almost mythical. And yet, here you are, proving it very real."

Joseph Brant nodded thoughtfully. "I have heard tales among traders, stories of lands across the Pacific. Your journey gives them truth."

Samuel continued. "What Marco Polo described as Cauli is indeed my homeland. There is a group of islands near it, the islands of Japan, that you'll encounter first when sailing from here across the Pacific. You'll reach my homeland by sailing across another sea from there."

At the mention of Japan, Cecilia, the green-haired woman, tilted her head slightly, her emerald eyes narrowing in recognition before she leaned back, her expression unreadable.

Franklin responded, a little embarrassed. "Sorry for interrupting your story, Mr. Kim, but you may continue."

Samuel smiled. "That's alright, Dr. Franklin, thank you." His voice then faltered briefly, the weight of his memories evident. "To continue, my parents were enslaved, bound to a system that left them with no hope of freedom. They risked everything to escape, fleeing across numerous lands. Their only goal was to give me a chance at a life they could never have and to escape those who wanted to capture us. We reached Europe after years of struggle. But the journey to the colonies proved too much for my sickly parents. Sadly, they did not survive the journey. When I arrived in New York seven years ago, I was an orphan in a strange land alone."

Thomas Jefferson's expression tightened. Franklin looked down, his usual levity replaced by solemnity. The weight of Samuel's words stirred something unspoken among the men, especially those who owned slaves.

"I wandered the frontier," Samuel continued. "I survived on the kindness of strangers and the teachings of the Haudenosaunee, who took me in." Joseph Brant nodded at Samuel at the mention of his people. "But it wasn't until the spark of the coming revolution that I realized my purpose. This war that will come is not just about getting our independence from Britain. It is about the chance to create a world where no man, woman, or child endures what my parents and I endured."

Joseph Brant nodded once more, his admiration of Samuel rising. Patrick Henry shifted uncomfortably, grappling with the implications.
Samuel's tone changed. "But before I could find this purpose, I encountered something… someone… who changed my life."
He recounted a desperate moment years earlier, fleeing from slave catchers. Exhausted, he had stumbled into a secluded clearing deep in the Appalachian wilderness.

There, he saw her for the first time. Orenda, a woman whose presence defied understanding, stood in the moonlight, her figure luminous and serene. Her clothing, an intricate blend of Native patterns and timeless design, hinted at something far older than the forest around them.
"You've traveled far," she had said, her voice calm yet resonant, as though she already knew everything about him.

Samuel had hesitated, unsure of whether to flee or approach. But something in her gaze compelled him to speak. "Who… who are you?"
"I am Orenda," she said, her words carrying a weight of ancient wisdom. "And you, Samuel Kim, are a wanderer seeking purpose. You have endured trials that would have broken many others, yet you persist."

Samuel recounted how Orenda had offered him food and shelter that night. As they sat by the fire she had kindled, her voice carried the rhythm of the wind and the depth of the earth. She spoke of powers beyond comprehension, choices that altered destinies, and the burden of carrying a gift that could shape the future.

Samuel had felt both fear and hope when she spoke of the contract. "You will gain the power to see the pathways of destiny," she had explained, her tone both inviting and cautionary. "But once taken, this path is irreversible."

Returning to the present, Samuel addressed the men. "She gave me this mysterious power that she called Geass, the Power of Kings. She also mentioned that your Geass powers depend on its bearer. My iteration grants me insight into possibilities and choices that shape the future. But it comes at a cost, a cost of humanity and simplicity."

"I still accepted this power." Samuel said to the gathered men, "It is a burden that I chose to accept, hoping that I could create something greater than myself, a chance to shape a better world."

The green-haired woman, Cecilia, listening silently, tilted her head slightly, her eyes narrowing. She didn't know about Samuel's contractor and did not get the opportunity to learn more about it when she and George Washington met Samuel a week ago. Now's her chance. After a moment, she finally spoke, her voice soft yet piercing. "You have to tell me, Samuel. This woman you speak of…, is she still alive?"

Samuel's expression grew somber, and he took his time answering the question. "No. I'm afraid not. She died a year later after I accepted the Code that she gave me."

The men in the room exchanged puzzled looks, the mention of a "Code" unfamiliar and enigmatic to them. George Washington, however, remained silent, his expression unreadable but knowing.

Cecilia nodded, a faint smile touching her lips. "Good for her", she murmured. The other men looked at Cecilia, curious at her choice of words regarding Orenda's demise, while George Washington continued to sit quietly, looking at Samuel, knowing what the green-haired woman was referring to.

Still tinged with disbelief at everything he's hearing, John Hancock asked, "I'm sorry, Mr. Kim, but I don't understand. What is this Code that you're talking about?"

Samuel's gaze met Hancock's. "This Code is a Code of Immortality, Mr. Hancock." Hancock's eyes widened at that revelation. "But this Code also allowed me to transfer my Geass into various tools, such as the one that brought us here." He gestured to his leather satchel, where one of those tools was placed, and the men realized that it might have been the pocket watch they had seen earlier. Samuel continued, pointing at Cecilia. "And she bears the same Code that I now have."

The other men's eyes also widened, their gazes darting between Samuel and Cecilia. Franklin let out a loud laugh, breaking the tension. "Immortality, powers beyond reason, portals! Gentlemen, if this is not the stuff of epic tales, I don't know what is."

Washington raised a hand, commanding calm. "Ben, this is no jest. As unfathomable as they seem, these truths hold the key to our future." The green-haired woman, Cecilia, tilted her head slightly, watching the reactions unfold.

Washington rose, his tone steady but weighty. "And gentlemen, I must share something of my own," he began, his words pulling their attention entirely. Washington continued. "I, too, have Geass like that of Mr. Kim. My Geass allows me to foresee possibilities and predict outcomes with unnerving accuracy. I have seen futures where this nation's potential is squandered, where division and conflict tear us apart."

The men turned their attention to Washington, their expressions a mix of curiosity and disbelief. Washington's voice grew more resolute as he recounted a vision from his own Geass Power of Absolute Precognition, a chilling alternate possibility where the colonies triumphed in their revolution and rose to become the leading power in the world but at the cost of humanity's ultimate survival. He detailed a scene of betrayal where he had chosen to sabotage the revolution for fear of an apocalyptic future. "I saw the republic that we've built rise and fall into darkness, consumed by unchecked power and division," he said gravely. "For a time, I believed that only Britain or Britannia, as she would be called in the future, could hold back that shadow and that the cause of liberty must be held back, even for a few centuries." He turned to Samuel Kim, his expression softening. "But Samuel showed me that we can stop that darkness from happening. He showed another way. A vision of unity and liberty, a world where the United States does not fall to despair but becomes a beacon for all. 'Unite the World to Save the World,' he told me. And he was right."

Patrick Henry murmured the phrase under his breath, his eyes wide with a dawning understanding. "Unite the World to Save the World." Washington nodded. "That's exactly what we have to do, Mr. Henry. The United States of America must become the United States of mankind."

The United States of America… such a beautiful name…, Thomas Jefferson thought quietly.

Franklin, his eyes narrowing in thought, leaned forward. "This 'Code,' as you all call it, seems like both a gift and a curse, doesn't it, Mr. Kim?"
Samuel met Franklin's gaze, his voice steady. "It is both. A curse, perhaps, but one I have chosen to bear. It is a power to serve our nation that is to come, the United States of America, and to guide it away from an apocalyptic vision I and Colonel Washington have foreseen."

The room fell silent as the weight of his words settled over the gathering. John Adams, his expression a mixture of skepticism and curiosity, broke the stillness. "Apocalypse, you say? Are you speaking of biblical prophecy, Mr. Kim? Fire and brimstone, the wrath of the heavens?"

Samuel shook his head slowly. "No, Mr. Adams, not the kind of apocalypse that preachers warn of. Not divine retribution, but a cataclysm wrought by the hands of men. In our shared vision, Colonel Washington and I have seen a great fire consume cities, vast and terrible, a single flash erasing everything in its path—men, women, children, and the land itself."

The men exchanged uneasy glances. Richard Henry Lee leaned back in his chair, his face pale. "What kind of fire could do such a thing? Surely, no musket, cannon, or any tool of war known to man could bring about such destruction."

Samuel hesitated, as if searching for words that could bridge the centuries of understanding between himself and the men in the room. "Imagine a fire so intense, so vast, that it consumes not just wood or stone, but entire cities in an instant. A tool of war, yes, but unlike anything we can imagine. It is no simple musket ball or cannon shot. This fire is born from the breaking apart of the very building blocks of the world, the essence of creation itself."

Thomas Jefferson, his brow furrowing deeply, leaned forward. "Are you suggesting, Mr. Kim, that mankind might one day wield the power to harness the energy that binds living things together? Such an idea seems... fantastical."

"It may seem so," Samuel admitted, his tone measured, "but I have seen the devastation such power can unleash. In the blink of an eye, entire cities vanish as though they were but dust scattered in the wind. It is as if the sun itself were brought down to earth, burning brighter than all else, and leaving only shadows and ash in its wake."

Franklin also stroked his chin thoughtfully. "And if these visions hold any truth, then it would seem this 'fire'—this weapon of unparalleled destruction—would bring not just ruin, but also a grim kind of equality. For no king, no empire, no people, could claim dominance over such devastation. It would be a tragedy that levels all."

The room fell into a heavy silence once more, each man lost in his own thoughts, the horror of Samuel Kim's vision of the future settling deep into their minds.

George Washington turned to Samuel and said, "I believe it's time to show them the tools, Mr. Kim."

Samuel purposefully moved toward the modest wooden chest in the corner of the room, nodding in response to Washington's instruction. He then transferred the chest to the table where the men were seated. Despite its initial appearance of simplicity, the chest was adorned with intricate carvings that appeared to glimmer in the lamplight. It radiated an aura of importance, as if it harbored secrets that could profoundly alter the world.

"This chest is among the tools I created by channeling the power of Geass," Samuel said, his voice steady but charged with the weight of his words. "But let me be clear, creating them nearly cost me my life."

The men leaned forward in anticipation, their curiosity palpable. Samuel hesitated for a moment, as if summoning the courage to relive a harrowing memory.

"When my Geass began to grow beyond my control, it became a burden too great to bear," Samuel explained. "The visions came faster, sharper, until they threatened to consume my mind entirely. I knew that if I didn't act, the power would destroy me."

His gaze swept across the room, locking briefly with each man. "The woman who gave me this power, Orenda, offered me a choice. I could let the Geass run its course and consume me, or I could use its energy to create something lasting, something that could serve humanity."

Patrick Henry frowned, his skepticism evident. "And this… choice resulted in these tools?"

Samuel nodded. "By accepting the Code from Orenda, I gained immortality, but at great cost. The transfer of power left me at death's door. The tools you're about to see were born from that transformation. They are fragments of my former Geass' power, designed to help us shape a better future."

"This chest, which I call the Replicator, is perhaps the most significant tool," Samuel began. "It creates minerals and other materials essential for our survival and progress. Gold, silver, iron, copper, materials that can build civilizations."

He pressed on a concealed latch, and an intricate panel slid open atop the chest. The surface revealed an arrangement of glowing sigils, engraved dials, and small, shifting lights that danced like fireflies trapped under glass. It looked like something born of both alchemy and clockwork, a marvel that combined art and science beyond anything the men in the room could imagine.

"This," Samuel began, gesturing toward the array, "is how the replicator operates. It channels the energy of Geass, aligning natural elements with mathematical precision to produce materials based on the information provided."

He moved his hands deftly over the sigils, tracing them lightly to set their configurations. A central dial was turned, clicking into place over an engraved symbol resembling gold. Below the panel, sliders crafted from smooth wood and etched brass were adjusted to specify the quantity. Samuel paused, his hands steady, and then pressed on the sigil at the center.

The chest emitted a very soft, melodic hum, and the lights within the sigils began to pulse in rhythm. When Samuel opened the lid moments later, the room was bathed in the warm glow of perfectly formed gold bars stacked neatly inside, filling the chest to its brim.
The room erupted in hushed awe.

John Hancock leaned forward, clearly in awe as he touched one of the gold bars from the chest but his voice still tinged with skepticism. "Incredible. You mean to tell us that this chest creates this gold from nothing?"

Samuel nodded. "Precisely. The Geass power imbued within the replicator draws from the fabric of existence itself, materializing resources as needed."

Samuel Adams leaned forward, squinting as though trying to comprehend the arcane mechanism. "And this, this replicator, as you call it, does all of this through… symbols and dials?"

Samuel Kim nodded. "The mechanism is intricate, but its principle is straightforward. It manipulates the natural laws surrounding us, using energy far older than any of us can fathom. It is as much a tool of precision as it is one of inspiration."

Benjamin Franklin leaned forward, his spectacles catching the golden light. "A device that bends the laws of nature in ways both wondrous and terrifying."

Patrick Henry whispered, almost to himself, "We hold in our hands the power to change the very fabric of society."

Richard Henry Lee added, his voice tinged with reverence, "Or to destroy it, should we wield it carelessly."

Benjamin Franklin leaned back in his chair, his expression a blend of wonder and determination. "Gentlemen, this changes everything."

"Unbelievable…", Thomas Jefferson muttered.

Samuel reached into his leather satchel and retrieved a ring, engraved with intricate sigils and set with a gemstone that pulsed faintly like a heartbeat.

"This is the second tool. It is a mind-influencing ring that I call the Ring of Persuasion." Samuel explained, holding it up for the men to see. "Its wearer can subtly sway the opinions of those they speak to, not through force, but through a resonance that amplifies reason and charisma."

The room erupted in murmurs. Patrick Henry leaned forward, his eyes narrowing in skepticism. "Sway opinions? Surely you jest. That would make a mockery of liberty."

Samuel met Henry's gaze. "It's not meant to subvert free will, but to bridge understanding. Used responsibly, it can unify divided minds. Misused… it could lead to tyranny."

The gemstone seemed to glow brighter as Samuel continued, "But there's more. These rings are also linked, each one is connected to the others. Through them, wearers can speak to one another, regardless of distance. They act as a bridge between people, a means of instantaneous communication."

The men exchanged incredulous glances.

Patrick Henry frowned. "Instantaneous communication between wearers? Across any distance?"

Samuel nodded. "Indeed. The connection is unaffected by distance. The rings ensure seamless communication, whether separated by a room or an entire ocean."

Benjamin Franklin, his curiosity piqued, leaned closer. "A fascinating tool. Does it require any other mechanism to function?"

"No," Samuel replied. "The rings are entirely self-contained, powered by the same force that animates the other tools. They do not require external devices or intermediaries."

John Adams spoke next, his tone suggesting a sense of caution. "And what happens if these rings fall into the wrong hands? Can their power be nullified?"

Samuel's expression grew somber. "Each ring is uniquely attuned to its wearer. If stolen or taken without consent, its connection fades. However, the bond can be re-established by the rightful owner."

Hancock, his expression contemplative. "This is a tool that could unite people or divide them, depending on its use. If wielded with wisdom, it could bridge distances and resolve conflicts."

Franklin chuckled. "Or start a great many more arguments, knowing our kind."

The room erupted in light laughter, but the gravity of the demonstration was not lost on any of them.

Samuel said, "Allow me to demonstrate the communication aspect of the ring first." Samuel held the ring aloft momentarily, then turned to George Washington. "Colonel, if you would take this."

Washington nodded and extended his hand before Samuel slid the ring onto his finger. The gemstone's faint glow brightened as it adjusted to its new wearer. Samuel reached into the chest again, retrieving a second identical ring. He slid it onto his own finger, its light matching the first.

Samuel stepped to the other side of the room, creating a noticeable distance between himself and Washington. He touched the gemstone on his ring, which pulsed faintly, and spoke into it. His voice carried clearly through the silence of the room: "Colonel, can you hear me?"

The men looked startled for a moment as Samuel's voice echoed clearly from George Washington's ring, the gemstone glowing with each word. "I can hear you, Mr. Kim," Washington replied, his voice steady but tinged with amazement. He touched his own ring, which pulsed faintly as he spoke. "Can you hear me as well?"

Samuel smiled. "Perfectly, Colonel."

Benjamin Franklin, watching intently, leaned forward with a grin. "Now, now, Colonel, let's see how it works more from your end. Try initiating the conversation yourself."

Washington gave a little sigh before tapping the gemstone on his ring as Samuel had done. The ring glowed faintly, and Washington spoke. "Samuel, I know that you've shown this to me already, but this ring remains a remarkable tool. Please tell us how such a thing like this is even possible."

The room fell silent, the other men watching intently as Samuel's voice carried back through Washington's ring. "Well, Colonel, this tool works because the rings are quite attuned to one another. Distance does not affect their connection, and they require no intermediary devices or mechanisms."

Franklin clapped his hands in delight. "Marvelous! Now, gentlemen, we've just witnessed the future of communication. A tool of unity. One that allows discourse without the constraints of time or distance. Such a thing could prevent misunderstandings, avoid delays… revolutionize diplomacy itself."

Thomas Jefferson, though clearly intrigued, was more cautious. "And what of privacy? Could these rings be misused to eavesdrop or manipulate?"

Samuel's face grew serious. "Their power is not absolute, Mr. Jefferson. Communication requires consent between the wearers, an intentional connection. They cannot be used to listen without permission."

Joseph Brant nodded thoughtfully. "Still, such a tool in the wrong hands could bring ruin, not unity."

Samuel met his gaze. "That is why these tools must be entrusted only to those who understand their responsibility. The Ring of Persuasion is not meant to command or deceive. It is a tool for fostering understanding and cooperation."

Thomas Jefferson leaned forward, visibly intrigued. "And you really say this works across any distance? Across oceans, even?"

"Yes," Samuel replied, addressing Jefferson now. "The bond between the rings transcends physical space. So long as both wearers are alive and willing, they can communicate without delay."

Franklin leaned back, stroking his chin thoughtfully. "A tool of great potential… and great peril. Like the magic treasure chest you've shown us earlier, Mr. Kim. Its true power will depend on those who wield it."

Washington returned the ring to Samuel, who placed it back into the satchel.

"I agree, Dr. Franklin." Samuel said, closing the satchel, "What we do with the tools like the Ring of Persuasion will shape the destiny of the nation we seek to create."

The weight of his words hung in the air as the men reflected on what they had just witnessed.

Franklin, ever the jester, clapped his hands. "Well, if nothing else, they'll save us the trouble of writing so many letters."

The room erupted in light laughter before Samuel continued, his tone now grave and laced with warning.

"And as I've said earlier, this ring holds another far more delicate and potentially perilous function. It can influence minds, amplify reasoning, and sway opinions. But let me stress, gentlemen, that it is not a tool for control or dominance. Rather, it fosters clarity and understanding in those who hear the wearer's words."

Thomas Jefferson, leaning forward with a skeptical look, asked, "And how exactly does it achieve such a feat? Surely, this cannot be a simple matter."

Samuel nodded, acknowledging the concern. "It is not simple, Mr. Jefferson. The wearer must focus their thoughts through the ring. It requires deliberate intent and clear reasoning to activate its influence. Let me show you how it works, and I promise I'll be careful."

Samuel Kim slid the ring onto his finger, the faint light from the lanterns casting subtle reflections off its intricate gemstone. He turned toward Patrick Henry, meeting his skeptical gaze with calm determination. "Mr. Henry, I ask your permission to demonstrate the power of this ring by introducing a notion, a principle that challenges centuries of tradition yet holds profound implications for the future of the republic that we're about to create."

Henry leaned back in his chair, his arms crossing defensively. "You have my leave, Mr. Kim, though I warn you, radical ideas often find a hostile reception."

Samuel stepped forward, his voice deliberate and steady. "Alright. Here I start. Imagine, sir, a republic where the right to vote, the cornerstone of liberty, is not confined to men alone but extended to women as well. A nation where mothers, wives, and daughters share equally in shaping its destiny."

The room fell into a tense silence, the flickering lamplight casting dancing shadows on the walls. Henry's brow furrowed deeply, his expression a blend of disbelief and unease. "Women voting? Such a proposition is an affront to the natural order. Politics is a sphere for men; the domestic realm belongs to women."

Samuel held his ground, his tone unwavering. "And yet, Mr. Henry, history itself refutes such limitations. Have not women ruled nations? Were there not great queens, such as Elizabeth of England and Catherine of Russia, who wielded power with wisdom and strength? Are we to claim that the women of this republic are any less capable or invested in its future?"

Sitting quietly at the edge of the gathering, Cecilia raised an eyebrow at the mention of queens. Her eyes glimmered faintly in the dim light, betraying a flicker of amusement. A subtle smile curved her lips, though she remained silent, observing the exchange with an expression suggesting she had seen this argument unfold in other eras and places. A faint smile played at her lips, but her gaze grew distant as though recalling something far removed from the present. Her fingers lightly traced a cross pendant that she absentmindedly reached from beneath her clothing, an old, simple trinket that seemed incongruous with the grandeur of the tools Samuel displayed. For a brief moment, her smile wavered, and her eyes seemed to glisten with something akin to sorrow or perhaps pride. The lantern caught the pendant as she tilted her head slightly, its shadow forming the faintest outline of a fleur-de-lis against the table before her. Still, she said nothing, her expression unreadable to all but the most observant. George Washington, standing near Samuel, caught sight of her actions. His lips quirked into a slight, knowing smile, though he said nothing, choosing instead to focus on the ongoing discussion.

Henry's frown remained, but his rigid posture softened slightly. His lips parted as though Samuel's words ignited an unfamiliar thought. "Queens, yes," he admitted, almost begrudgingly. "But queens, as much as I hate to say it, inherit power by birth, not through the common voice of the people. Are you suggesting we allow women to stand as equals in the governance of the United States of America?"

Samuel inclined his head slightly, his gaze steady. "I am suggesting, sir, that women, as equal bearers of the republic's burdens, have a right to its privileges. To deny them is to deny the very principles of liberty and equality upon which we want to build the United States of America."

Henry leaned forward now, his expression pensive, his earlier skepticism giving way to genuine contemplation. "It is an idea that defies our customs… but perhaps, there is merit in it. If queens can rule empires, why should the women of our republic not guide its course as well?"
The other men shifted in their seats, observing the change in Henry's demeanor.

Cecilia's quiet smile deepened slightly, though her gaze grew distant, as if remembering the countless rulers, male and female, she had watched rise and fall over centuries. Still, she said nothing, letting the men grapple with their own revelations.

Franklin, watching the exchange intently, interjected, "This isn't coercion, is it?"

Samuel removed the ring and held it up for all to see. "Certainly not, Doctor. What you have all witnessed is its subtlety. This ring does not compel compliance. It fosters reason and clarity. Mr. Henry's thoughts remain his own, as do his conclusions."

Joseph Brant then leaned forward, his ever-curious gaze fixed on the ring. "A remarkable tool, Mr. Kim. But I, for one, would hesitate to use it."
The other men murmured their agreement, their awe tempered by caution.

Patrick Henry, now fully composed, regarded the ring with a wary respect. "While I remain cautious of such a device, I cannot deny the clarity of thought it inspired, like your words cut through the noise of doubt, Mr. Kim, making your reasoning unmistakable. Which is why this is a power that must be wielded with great prudence."

John Adams frowned, looking at Henry's demeanor, "This is a dangerous tool, even so. Persuasion is a subtle art. This ring could tip the balance unfairly."

Samuel returned the ring back to the satchel, nodding gravely. "I understand your concerns about this, gentlemen. But that's why its use must be reserved for critical moments, and only in the hands of those who act for the greater good."

As the room settled into a contemplative silence following Samuel's demonstration, a voice, light and tinged with dry amusement, broke through.

"That ring doesn't work with me," the woman with green hair, Cecilia, remarked, leaning back in her chair with an air of nonchalance. The men turned to her, their expressions a mix of confusion and curiosity.

Benjamin Franklin asked, "You've… tried this before?" Cecilia smirked faintly, her eyes glinting in the dim light. "Oh yes, Ben. Samuel showed them all to me and George already. But no matter how persuasive Samuel's words might have been, that ring had no effect on me."

Samuel Kim rolled his eyes slightly, a rare display of exasperation. "Duh, of course, it didn't work on you. You have the Code. You're… something else entirely."

The men glanced between the two, their curiosity deepening. John Hancock leaned forward, gesturing toward Cecilia. "What exactly does he mean by that, Miss Cecilia?"

Cecilia tilted her head, her smile enigmatic. "It means I'm beyond mortal influence. The Code ensures that my will is mine alone, unshaken by such tools."

Samuel nodded, his expression softening as he addressed the room. "The Code protects her and ensures that this tool doesn't alter her thoughts or perceptions. She exists outside the bounds of what these tools can affect."

Franklin broke the tension with a chuckle. "Well, I suppose it's reassuring to know there are limits to this tool's power. If even Ms. Cecilia is unimpressed with the idea of women voting, that says something."

The room lightened briefly with scattered laughter, though the intrigue around Cecilia's mysterious nature remained palpable.

After the laughter subsided, Washington asked, "I think we can move to the next tool, Samuel."

Samuel nodded at Washington and then walked deliberately to another corner of the room, where he leaned down to pick something beneath a wooden table. That something is a book. It is large, leather-bound, and worn yet strangely luminous under the faint glow of the lanterns. The men straightened in their seats as Samuel returned to the table, placing the book in its center.

"This," Samuel began, his voice steady but tinged with reverence, "is what I call the Oracle. It is no ordinary book. While the tools I've shown so far are practical and material in their use, this one delves into knowledge itself. It draws from what I have learned… and what I have glimpsed."

The men exchanged wary glances. Benjamin Franklin leaned forward, asking, "And what precisely have you glimpsed, Mr. Kim?"

Samuel's expression grew somber. "When I nearly lost my life creating these tools, I was caught in a state between life and death. In that moment, I experienced visions, visions of another life, another world. I saw myself as a soldier serving the country that we hope to create, the United States of America, more than two centuries from now. I believe this was just a few years or decades before the apocalyptic vision I described earlier."

This revelation sent murmurs through the room. Franklin's eyes widened in astonishment. Patrick Henry muttered under his breath, while Samuel Adams frowned deeply, skepticism etched on his face.

"I do not know if those visions were truly mine or if they were impressions left by the power I wielded," Samuel continued, "but they were vivid. In that other world, I lived in the early 21st century, a world both incredible and flawed, where knowledge was vast and accessible, but human nature had not changed. The Oracle," he gestured to the book, "was born of what I learned there."

Samuel opened the book, its pages glowing faintly as intricate patterns of text and diagrams emerged from its surface. It was as if the book breathed with life, responding to his touch.

"This is not merely a book," Samuel explained. "It is a repository of knowledge, a reflection of that other world's understanding. It contains histories, sciences, philosophies… a vast collection of human thought."
He ran his hand lightly over the glowing text, and the page shifted to display a detailed map of Europe.

"For example, it can provide insight into the nations of our time. Their strengths, their weaknesses, their histories. It is not a prophet, but it can guide us by illuminating the possibilities of our choices."

Thomas Jefferson's voice was filled with cautious wonder. "A book that teaches… and informs directly? Does it answer questions?"

Samuel nodded. "It does. But the answers depend on the precision of the questions. It is not omniscient. It offers knowledge, not wisdom. That remains our responsibility."

To demonstrate, Samuel traced his fingers over a symbol on the page, and the text shifted again. Now it displayed a detailed analysis of France's monarchy and its political structures.

John Adams leaned closer, reading quickly through the book, still frowning but unable to hide his curiosity. "While I can attest that the information about the French monarchy here is more or less accurate, how do we know that all of the knowledge it can provides us on other questions is accurate, especially about the future?"

Samuel's expression was grave. "We can't really know until that time in the future unfortunately. The Oracle has its limitations on what to give to us. It reflects the understanding of that other world, a world yet to come. Like all knowledge, it must be tested and applied carefully before it becomes our reality. The Oracle provides us a glimpse of that future that I saw and experienced, but it does not guarantee that it will occur here, not with our mission now that will change everything about that future." Adams nodded in agreement.

Benjamin Franklin chuckled, his eyes gleaming with admiration. "A living encyclopedia, contained in a single volume. I dare say, Mr. Kim, this may rival any of the other marvels you've shown us."

Samuel closed the Oracle gently, the glow fading as its pages returned to blank. "This tool, like the others, is meant to guide us. And has its limitations, which I can describe further in the future as we use this tool more. It is not to be relied upon without question, but it can help us avoid the mistakes of the future."

George Washington, who had been quietly observing, finally spoke. "This Oracle is a gift of immeasurable worth and a grave responsibility. My suggestion is that we use it wisely, not as a crutch, but as a guide to ensure the future of our nation."

The men nodded, the enormity of the Oracle's potential sinking in. In the flickering lamplight, the book seemed to pulse faintly, as if waiting for the next question.

Samuel reached into his satchel again and retrieved the pocket watch that he was holding earlier, its brass surface glinting faintly in the lamplight. The watch was exquisitely crafted, its face adorned with intricate engravings and a small crystal lens embedded at its center. Beneath the lens, faint lights seemed to move, as if the mechanism contained a living map.

"And this," Samuel began, holding the watch aloft, "is how we all got here, gentlemen. The Traveler's Watch. At first glance, it appears to be a simple timepiece, but its purpose is far greater. It can reveal the world in its entirety and allow the wearer to traverse it instantly."

The men exchanged skeptical glances, though their curiosity kept them silent. Samuel pressed a small, recessed button on the side of the watch, and the crystal lens began to glow softly. A faint projection of light emerged from the watch, forming a hovering, three-dimensional map of the Earth above it. Samuel then rotated the map slowly, shimmering with colors and details that defied comprehension.

"This is no mere decoration," Samuel explained. "The watch displays the world as it is, in real time, as you can see. Cities, rivers, mountains; all are captured and shown with uncanny precision."

Samuel Adams' eyes widened as he pointed. "That… that is the Atlantic Ocean, and there, there. That must be the Colonies."

Samuel nodded, adjusting a small dial on the watch. The map zoomed in, revealing the eastern seaboard in remarkable detail. The rivers gleamed like silver threads, and the towns and cities can be seen in astonishing accuracy.

"But this is more than a map," Samuel continued. "With this device, I can create a portal to any location I choose. It requires precision in its operation, guided by these dials and mechanisms. The principles behind it are both mathematical and metaphysical."

He demonstrated by selecting a location on the map, a wooded clearing just outside Philadelphia. With a deliberate twist of the dial, the watch emitted a low hum. Moments later, a shimmering doorway of light appeared in the corner of the room, showing the clearing as if viewed through a window.

The room erupted in startled gasps, several men standing instinctively.

Richard Henry Lee spoke, his voice tinged with awe. "And this… this watch allows one to walk through that doorway and emerge wherever it is set?"

"Yes," Samuel confirmed, "Just like how we all got here in Bhutan. This tool transcends borders and barriers."

Benjamin Franklin chuckled softly. "A map that reveals the world and a portal that ignores its boundaries. I daresay, Mr. Kim, that this watch alone could change the course of history."

John Hancock raised his hand to address Samuel. "Mr. Kim, these tools are nothing short of extraordinary. But tell us, how many of these creations exist?"

Samuel closed the portal that he created before turning to face Hancock, "I have forged three Traveler's Watches, two Replicators, three Rings of Persuasion, and only one Oracle."

Patrick Henry frowned slightly, his skepticism returning. "I see. I hope you don't take this badly, Mr. Kim, but why such a limited amount? Surely, you could have created some more with your immense power?"

Samuel shook his head firmly, his expression grave but smiling slightly at Henry. "No slight taken, Mr. Henry, and to answer your question, I'm afraid that the process of creating these tools nearly took my life, so I cannot create more than that. Each one is forged from the essence of my former Geass, fragmenting its power to make these tools usable until I have none left to spare. Attempting to create more would risk destroying not only myself but also the fragile balance they represent."

Benjamin Franklin, leaning forward with his elbows on the table, nodded slowly. "A wise restraint, Mr. Kim. And I believe too many of these tools in circulation might bring them into the wrong hands, and we'd have chaos instead of progress." Patrick Henry nodded in agreement.

Samuel continued, his voice remaining steady yet deliberate. "I concur." These tools weren't meant for widespread use and should only be used by us. They are not weapons of domination; they are instruments of transformation. Their mission is to provide guidance and support in the establishment and development of a nation that can serve as a symbol of justice and liberty. Therefore, it is imperative that their use be prudent, deliberate, and limited to individuals who comprehend their gravity.

In contemplation, Richard Henry Lee's fingertips curled in front of him. "And that is why their existence must remain secret."

George Washington rose from his chair, his commanding presence quieted the room. "Mr. Kim is correct. We now find ourselves at a crossroads. The tools he demonstrated to us all are not just gifts; they are our responsibilities. Their power is immense, but it is also a burden that we must bear with care. The question now is whether we are willing to take that burden upon ourselves and wield it wisely. In the coming days, we will continue to deliberate on the best course of action for using these powerful tools. For now, let us commit ourselves to the cause that unites us, the birth of a nation that could unite mankind."

The men nodded in agreement, the moment's gravity settling over them. George Washington's final words sum up the formation of the Order of Liberty.

 

[Libertad]

Incumbent
His Imperial Highness Prince Schneizel, Grand Duke of Pendragon and Duke of Beaufort
since March 12, 2009

Style	His Imperial Highness
Type	Great Officer of State
Member of	Cabinet Privy Council
Appointer	Emperor
Precursor	Lord High Chancellor of England Lord High Chancellor of Scotland Lord Chancellor of Ireland
Formation	1801 (Britannia) 1707 (Great Britain) 1066 (England)
First holder	Prince William, Duke of Gloucester
Salary	£ 5,459,038 per annum
Website	Official website

The Lord Chancellor, formally titled Lord High Chancellor of the Holy Britannian Empire of Great Britain, Ireland, the Americas and all the Imperial Areas and Dominions, is a senior minister of the Crown within His Majesty's Imperial Government and the highest ranking Great Officer of State. Also informally called "prime minister" in the European press, the Lord Chancellor advises the Sovereign on the exercise of the royal prerogative and chairs the Cabinet of the Privy Council. Considered the second most powerful office in the Empire and a commonly-held office by future Sovereigns and heir-apparents, the Lord Chancellor is appointed and dismissed at will by the Sovereign. Prior to the union of England and Scotland into the Kingdom of Great Britain, there were separate lord chancellors for the Kingdom of England (including Wales) and the Kingdom of Scotland. Likewise, the Lordship of Ireland and the Kingdom of Ireland maintained the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland until the formation of the Holy Britannian Empire in 1801, whereupon the office was abolished.

The Lord Chancellor is the leading member of the Cabinet and is, by law, the minister of the Crown responsible for the effective functioning of the courts and has control over judicial appointments including that of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, the court of the Star Chamber and Lords of Appeal in Ordinary. The Lord Chancellor is also the ex-officio presiding officer of the House of Lords (though most day to day functions are delegated to an appointed Speaker of the House of Lords) and the Court of Chancery (deputized by an appointed Vice-Chancellor of the Chancery).

One of the Lord Chancellor's responsibilities is to act as the custodian of the Great Seal of the Realm, kept in the Lord Chancellor's Purse, though such responsibility can be given instead to a separate Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. Documents to which the Great Seal is affixed include letters patent, writs of summons, writs of election, royal warrants, royal charters and royal proclamations, among many other instruments, giving the office tremendous power over legislation and policymaking. Furthermore, the office itself can be exercised by a committee of individuals known as Lord Commissioners of the Great Seal, usually when there is a delay in the appointment of a new Lord Chancellor. The office is then said to be in commission. However, this situation rarely occurred since the 19th century and only lord chancellors almost always gets appointed by the Sovereign.

While the Lord High Steward technically outranks the Lord Chancellor, the office has been mostly vacant since the 15th century except during coronations and common practice since the 19th century has the Lord Chancellor temporarily elevated as Lord High Steward (while keeping their position as Lord Chancellor) in instances where a peer is on a felony trial by his/her fellow peers in the House of Lords.

The official office of the Lord Chancellor is at 10 Darwin Street in the capital city of Pendragon.

 

[Libertad]

Incumbent
Shashi Tharoor
since February 10, 2017

Style	Mr. Secretary (informal) The Honorable (formal)
Member of	Cabinet
Reports to	President of the United States
Seat	Washington, D.C.
Appointer	President of the United States
Term length	No fixed term
Deputy	United States Deputy Secretary of the Interior
Salary	Executive Schedule, Level I
Succession	Eighth
Website	Official website

The United States Secretary of the Interior is the head of the Department of the Interior. The secretary and the Department of the Interior is responsible for management and conservation of most federal lands, waters and natural resources, including those found in all planetary-mass objects within the heliosphere of the Solar System and the outer space in-between according to the Outer Space Administration Act. Through the agencies that are subordinated to it like the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the United States Space Force and the United States Coast Guard, it is also in charge of forecasting weather, monitoring atmospheric and oceanic conditions, charting the seas, conducting deep sea and space exploration, safeguarding sea lines of communication and protects the theoretical borders of the United States from the heliopause while administering programs related to historic preservation through the National Park Service. It also serves on and appoints private citizens on the World Heritage Committee that designates particular landmarks, monuments and sites as "World Heritage Sites". The secretary is a member of the Cabinet of the United States and reports directly to the President of the United States. It has been noted that the function of the U.S. Department of the Interior is notably different from that of interior ministers and secretaries from historical nation-states.

Throughout most of the department's existence, the secretary of the interior has almost always come from the Americas or Australasia and is also always filled, with exceptions, by people of full or part-Indigenous Native background until the mid-20th century. The shift occurred with the transfer of the Office of Native Affairs from the Department of the Interior to the Department of State and its subsequent growth in prominence due to the Space Age and its administration over NASA along with the transfers of other federal government agencies to the department over the years.

Following the inauguration of President Donald Tusk, career civil servant and prolific writer Shashi Tharoor was sworn in as the Secretary of the Interior, the first one to hold the position from the Subcontinent.

 

[Libertad]

CITIZENSHIP TIERS IN THE HOLY BRITANNIAN EMPIRE

Citizen/Regular Britannian/Full Britannian/Pure Britannian - full citizenship rights in theory, but with exceptions in practice depending on minority status. Full Britannians of non-European descent are more discriminated against, for example, though racial barriers are less obvious, if not invisible, depending on which part of the Empire. Jewish Full Britannians are also more discriminated against than Christians, for example. "Aryan" Full Britannians are the most privileged demographic.

Honorary Citizen/Honorary Britannian - partial citizenship rights. More commonly barred from exercising political rights like suffrage or be appointed to judicial positions, with exceptions. Also de facto barred from practicing certain public and private sector occupations even without complete legal restrictions in place. Systematically discriminated against in housing and employment opportunities as well as social benefits, though there are those that fell through the cracks of legal systemic discrimination and gained social mobility and prominence in society where they become more celebrated and accepted. Children and descendants can get full citizenship. Living Honorary Britannians can get full citizenship as well but it's rarer than those of their children or descendants.

Number/National - Britannian nationality without citizenship status and conferred only limited civil rights, which in most cases are mostly ignored by the state and most of civil society. Employment opportunities and social benefits are very limited, with an almost guaranteed socio-economic status below the poverty line. Can be subjected to labor conscription and be assigned to jobs with hazardous conditions that are almost no different from those suffered by Bonded Numbers. Restrictions in movement from place to place. Can become Honorary Britannians but depends on particular individuals and conditions.

The designation "Number" to refer to non-citizen Britannian nationals is more of a semi-formal usage and has more to do with the institution of the Areas system in 1934 with the official term being "National". It is a derogatory term in reference to a colonial subject of the Empire though it is commonly used even in "polite society" but is still considered more polite than the other racist slurs around. Among Numbers themselves, the term has also become a more polite term than the term "colonial".

On the other hand, the racially derogatory word "Eleven" to refer to a someone of Japanese heritage came into being during the highly racist press coverage of the 2010 invasion of Japan and it slowly replaced the more outdated slur "Jap". It is a unique situation because colonial subjects from India are not referred to as "Ones", even derogatorily, and the same could be said to the colonial subjects of all the other Areas.

Bonded- semi-formal subcategory of Numbers (even some de jure citizens) under peonage, convict labor, corvee labor, indentured servitude or de facto chattel slavery. Can also happen to certain Full or Honorary Britannians as a punishment but not as commonly done by the 21st century. Can be used as collective punishment on an Honorary Britannian family unit in a Correctional Area for certain crimes. Most Nationals or even other Britannian citizens at times can be susceptible to the Bonded Labor system through going to prison or not paying debts, fees or taxes with the severity of conditions and punishments depending on the status of the Area with the harshest if a Number is from a Correctional Area and less harsh on Numbers living in a Developing or Satellite Area. Can be freed from bondage though it is a process that may take years or decades to achieve, if at all.


IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATIVE AREAS OF THE HOLY BRITANNIAN EMPIRE

An Imperial Area, or Imperial Administrative Area, form the main administrative divisions of the Holy Britannian Empire, first created by the
1934 Imperial Administration and Coordination Act under the newly-crowned Emperor Adolphus H. Britannia.

The creation of the Areas did not dissolve many pre-existing structures of colonial governance that the Empire has already established, including those over nominally independent nations with Britannian resident-ministers or nominal ambassadors/diplomatic consuls, but the formation of the Areas allowed in the Crown's opinion for more efficient centralized administration of the Empire's growing acquisitions under an Imperial Viceroy. It is also noted that the creation of these new eight Imperial Administrative Areas back then was an attempt to concentrate political and economic power more tightly within the Imperial Family and the Knights of the Round.

For purposes of rational administration and distinction between the imperial core and the colonies, the "Motherland" of the British Isles and the "Homeland" in North America are all designated Area Zero without an appointed Viceroy, while the numbered Areas are sequentially numbered based on their time of integration to the Empire, starting with the "imperial crown jewel" of British East India Company-ruled India and the Far East (minus a few possessions) as Area One.

Other parts of the Empire like Australia, New Zealand and South Africa are more deeply integrated to the Homeland and Motherland due to extensive white Britannian settlement and thus not considered de facto Imperial Areas in practice.

The Imperial Viceroys are appointed and dismissed at will by the Sovereign and while answerable to the Sovereign only in theory, their power is almost absolute within their respective Areas. An example is with the Britannian Consul-General in Egypt, who reports nominally to the Foreign Secretary, but is de facto appointed by the Area Eight Viceroy with or without need for the Sovereign's consent.

According to the Area Reforms Act of 1952, all the Imperial Administrative Areas can be subdivided into three categories, with varying degrees of autonomy: Correctional, Developing and Satellite.

A newly-conquered territory is organized as a Correctional Area for purposes of imposing immediate military administration and start the process of organized seizure and exploitation of state and private sector assets and natural resources along with securing a fresh source of cheap, bonded labor in practice. However, this practice has been done to Area 11 only since the 1934 Act. The Correctional status is more frequently used as a carrot and stick to the colonized population of the first nine Areas since the promotion to Developing status relieves the colonial population of the worst measures of colonization, including mass enslavement of Numbers. As for Area 11, it has achieved Developing Area status in 2016, only to be rescinded a year later shortly before the "Worldsmerge".

While Australia, New Zealand and South Africa are considered extensions of the Imperial Motherland and Homeland in practice, all three are technically designated "Satellite Areas" though they are not numbered. Confusingly, Area 10, comprising the territory of the more recently conquered and vassalized Empire of Brazil, has been designated a "Satellite Area" as well but remain numbered.

Each Area has their own sets of local native institutions that were allowed to remain in existence for various reasons. As for Area 11, a "bantustan" of the State of Japan under an appointed "National Administrative Council" remains in place after the surrender though it was reduced to nominal control of small enclaves of land throughout Honshu, Kyushu and Shikoku with its leadership virtually ignored and imprisoned in all but name in Kyoto. The rest of the Area falls under the direct rule of the Viceroy's Office. Nonetheless, this did not stop the native Japanese population from thinking that they've been stripped of their freedom, their rights and even their name as their once proud nation of Japan has been reduced to a mere Number.


LIST OF AREAS

Area Zero:

British Motherland - United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Bailiwick of Guernsey, Bailiwick of Jersey, Isle of Man, Gibraltar
Britannian Homeland - Mainland North America north of the Rio Grande river plus Baja California and northern Mexico (roughly the area of Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nueva Leon and Tamaulipas) as well as the Caribbean islands, Greenland and Iceland
Other De Facto Homelands - Dominion of Australia, Royal Colony of New Zealand, Dominion of South Africa (including Southwest Africa and reaching as far north as Rhodesia)

Area 1: Britannian India, Burma, Ceylon, Maldives, Straits Settlements, Malaya and Hong Kong
Capital - Calcutta
Designation - Developing

Area 2: former Spanish Viceroyalty of New Spain (mainland Mexico and Central America)
Capital - Metropolis (Mexico City)
Designation - Developing

Area 3: Britannian West Africa
Capital - Lagos
Designation - Developing

Area 4: former Spanish Viceroyalty of New Granada
Capital - Caracas
Designation - Correctional

Area 5: former Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru
Capital - Lima
Designation - Developing

Area 6: Britannian East Africa, Uganda, Northern Rhodesia, Nyasaland
Capital - Nairobi
Designation - Correctional

Area 7: Philippines and portions of Britannian Oceania (including Hawaii)
Capital - Honolulu
Designation - Correctional

Area 8: Britannian Middle East and Mediterranean (Morocco, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Somaliland, Palestine, Aden, Cyprus, Oman, Gulf states, Malta, Iraq)
Capital - Casablanca
Designation - Correctional

Area 9: former Spanish Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata including Britannian South Atlantic and Antarctica
Capital - Buenos Aires
Designation - Correctional

Area 10: Empire of Brazil
Capital - Rio de Janeiro
Designation - Satellite

Area 11: Empire of Japan and portions of Britannian Oceania from Area 7
Capital - Tokyo
Designation - Correctional

 

[Libertad]

The Text of the Original 1776 Constitution of the United States of America

Preamble

We, the People of the United States, through our duly elected Delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled, in order to build a more perfect and perpetual Union between its constituent States and to bind them in a firm league of friendship with each other and to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever, to establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, promote the general welfare and to secure the Blessings of Liberty for ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

Article I

Section 1.

The Stile of this Union shall be, "The United States" or "The United States of America."

Section 2.

Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and all powers, jurisdictions, and rights not expressly prohibited to the States by this Constitution. The powers not thus prohibited to the States or expressly delegated to the United States shall be firmly reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

Section 3.

The United States extends an invitation to any other Nation or Tribe desiring to join this Union. The admission of any such Nation or Tribe into this Union shall be subject to the assent of the Congress. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

Section 4.

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.

Section 5.

The District constituting the seat of Government of the United States shall have the power to constitute its own Government and assembly of Delegates, in the manner that Congress may direct by law, and be able to elect its own Representatives to the House of Representatives and be given at least a single Elector to elect the President of the United States.

Article II

Section 1.

Congress shall make no law promoting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Section 2.

The right of the people to form a well-armed Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, shall not be infringed, nor the right of the people to keep and bear personal Arms in relation to such shall not be made severely limited.

Section 3.

No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Section 4.

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. No properties, belongings, or possessions shall be seized from an individual for a period longer than a year if they are not found guilty of any crimes.

Section 5.

To ensure the protection of personal liberty, it shall be a fundamental right of every Citizen that the privacy of their habitation and the conduct of activities therein shall be shielded from unwarranted observation by the Government. No agent of any State or public authority shall intrude upon or observe the private doings within a citizen's dwelling without a Warrant, issued upon probable cause and specifically describing the place to be searched, and the nature of the inquiry to be made.

Section 6.

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Section 7.

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of a Private or Public Counsel for his defence; and to be informed, at the time of apprehension, of their right to remain silent and that any statement made may be used against them in a court of law; and to have counsel present during any interrogation, with such rights being inviolate except upon express and voluntary waiver thereof.

Section 8.

In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Section 9.

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Section 10.

All houses of correction, gaols, and other places of detention shall be under the auspices and management of public authorities. No private entity or individual shall exercise dominion or governance over such institutions, nor shall any profit or pecuniary advantage be derived from the confinement of persons therein.

Section 11.

All persons born or naturalized in the United States, except for persons confined in Bondage for Twenty-five Years from the ratification of this Constitution, are full Citizens of the United States and of the State or place under jurisdiction of the United States wherein they reside.

Section 12.

All Native American Indians born within the territorial limits of the United States be, and they are hereby, declared to be full Citizens of the United States: Provided That the granting of such citizenship shall not in any manner impair or otherwise affect the right of any Native American Indian to tribal or other property.

Section 13.

No purchase, grant, lease, or other conveyance of land, or of any title or claim thereto, from any Native American Indian nation or tribe, shall be of any validity in law or equity, unless the same be made by treaty or convention entered into pursuant to this Constitution.

Section 14.

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction Twenty-five Years after the ratification of the Constitution.

Section 15.

No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 16.

The right of citizens of the United States that are men of Twenty-five years or women of Thirty-five years or above to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of age, race, color, imprisonment, previous condition of servitude, or by reason of failure to pay tax, while requisite only that sufficient proof of their citizenship and age be presented to exercise this right without any other requirements of prior enrollment.

Section 17.

The right of the citizens of the United States to a government free from consolidation of a privileged Few shall be protected by ensuring that No State shall permit any person to hold the Office of President, Vice President, Senator, or Representative, nor any elected public office within the several States, who is related within the first degree of consanguinity or affinity to any individual presently holding the same office, or to any individual who hath held the same office within the past twelve years. Exceptions to this provision may be granted for federal offices by the assent of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress, and for state offices by the assent of two-thirds of the Legislature of the respective State, with all such exceptions to be recorded and published for the knowledge of the People.

Section 18.

The right of the People of the United States to a government free from Undue Influence and Corruption shall be protected by prohibiting any Officer of the United States, whether elected or appointed, including the President, from soliciting, receiving, or accepting, directly or indirectly, any Gift, Emolument, Office, or Title of any kind from any Person, Corporation, or foreign Power, on account of the discharge of their public Duties, lest the purity of their Service be corrupted and the Trust reposed in them be violated. Likewise, no Person, Association, or Body Corporate shall, by Gift, Reward, Promise, or other means of undue influence, seek to pervert the Judgment or Actions of any Officer of the United States in the execution of their Duties. Any person, whether in public Office or otherwise, found guilty of such offenses shall be subject to such penalties as the law shall prescribe, and the offending Officer shall forfeit their Office and be disqualified from holding any Office of Trust or Profit under the United States.

Section 19.

The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.

Section 20.

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.


Article III

Section 1.

All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

Section 2.

The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every two Years by the People of the several states and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been five Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen, and who shall not, when elected, been for five Years a resident of the United States, or a resident of the United States at the time of the ratification of this Constitution.

Allotment of Representatives shall be determined by an impartial Electoral Commission, free from the influences of faction or party, whose composition shall be decided by the United States, in Congress Assembled, until the Government of the United States was assembled, to which it shall decide its composition by law. This Commission shall allot the Representatives of the several States according to a mathematical Principle, wherein total Representation of the House is ascertained by the third Root of the total population of the United States, rounded up to the nearest Whole Number, and such total number of Representatives distributed among the several States, or other places under the jurisdiction of the United States as determined by Congress, according to their population in proportion to the total population of the United States, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of Citizens all other Persons among several States. The first actual Enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, with subsequent Enumerations be made preferably every ten Years starting in the Year One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety, in such manner as they shall by law direct, with the understanding that the Commission shall periodically ascertain the allotment of Representatives and the number of People to be represented by a Representative only at intervals of Twenty Years. Until such enumeration shall be made, the State of Newfoundland shall be entitled to chuse one, Quebec six, the Island of St. John one, Nova Scotia three, Vermont three, the Confederacy of the Haudenosaunee three, New Hampshire three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, Georgia three, Florida two, and the District constituting the seat of Government of the United States one.

This Electoral Commission shall, with due deliberation, ensure a fair and proportionate representation of the people in the House, that the varied opinions and interests of the populace may be justly reflected. It is counseled for such a Body to consult the States and adopt methods for the allotment of Representatives as to allow the people to express their preferences orderly. To this end, the Commission shall establish the boundaries of Congressional districts with due regard for equal population, geographical coherence, and the integrity of communities and no Congressional district shall confer undue favor upon any party, Faction, or Person, nor abridge the rightful Franchise of any Citizen. Moreover, Representatives may be elected from districts that include multiple members, as the Electoral Commission deems proper, to ensure a broad and balanced representation of each State. This Body shall take great care that the election of Members to the House of Representatives shall represent the full breadth and oft-unheard sentiments of the citizenry. The Commission may consider other methods of broad representation as it finds suitable for the benefit of the citizens of the United States.

When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Legislature or Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies, as the law may direct.

The House shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.

Section 3.

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote, unless the Senate, by its own established rules and procedures, deems it necessary to alter the allocation and weighting of votes among its Members via two-thirds assent of all of its Members. This may include adjustments in votes of Senators from the several States, to better reflect the populous will. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.

Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies to complete the term of their predecessor.

Whilst Senators are chosen by the people, it shall be within the authority of each State's Legislature to recall any Senator from their representation. Such a grave action shall require the assent of two-thirds of the members in both assemblies of the State Legislature, for those States possessing two houses of legislative deliberation. The manner and process for such a recall are to be established by the Legislature of each State.

Upon the admission of a new State into this Union, Senators shall be elected according to the established manner. These Senators shall be assigned to one of the three classes to maintain an equal division as nearly as possible. The initial term of one of the Senators may be shorter than six years, to align with the existing structure.

The Senate shall chuse their President of the Senate, and also a President pro tempore and other Officers and shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of a majority of the Members present.

Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.

Section 4.

The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least Three times in every year, and such meeting shall begin at noon on the 3rd day of February, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

Section 5.

Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.

No Person shall be a Senator or Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been five Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State or Congressional District in which he shall be chosen, and who shall not, when elected, been for five Years a resident of the United States, or a resident of the United States at the time of the ratification of this Constitution.

Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.

Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.

Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

Section 6.

The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, accept any Gift, Gratuity, Office, or Title of any kind from any King, Prince, or foreign State, nor shall they receive any Bribe or Donation, under penalty of forfeiture of their Office.

Upon their Election, Senators and Representatives must resign from all prior Occupations and shall divest themselves from the management and active oversight of their Private Enterprises, ensuring that such holdings are placed into trust or transferred under the temporary custodianship of a legally recognized trustee, which may include their lawful spouse, provided that she is deemed competent under the laws of the State in which the property resides. In the absence of a lawful spouse or where such custodianship is impracticable, an impartial steward or trustee shall be appointed, subject to congressional oversight, and they shall not engage in any Employment for a period of three Years after leaving Office. Within that period, they shall receive from the Treasury a monthly Compensation equal to that of their position in Congress before leaving their Office.

Senators and Representatives, upon their retirement from holding any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, shall receive a Pension from the Treasury of the United States, equal in measure to their last received monthly Compensation during their term of service, if put together for a year, and may be adjusted based on compensations being received by sitting Senators and Representatives and shall be paid annually for the remainder of their lives.

Members of the Electoral Commission shall also be entitled to the same Prohibitions, Compensations and Pensions.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.

No law, varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of Representatives shall have intervened.

Section 7.

All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.

Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections on whole or parts of the Bill to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.

Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.

Every Law enacted by Congress shall confine itself to a single subject, which shall be clearly expressed in the title thereof, to ensure clarity and prevent the confluence of disparate matters.

In cases where the Congress shall not agree upon the appropriations of monies for the ensuing year, it shall be the duty of the Congress and the President to ensure the continuity of governmental operations. To this end, the Treasury shall be authorized to expend monies according to the appropriations of the preceding year, until such time as the Congress and the President shall agree upon a new appropriation.

Section 8.

The Congress shall have Power To Enforce, by appropriate Legislation, the Declaration of Rights listed in Article II of this Constitution;

To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

To lay and collect Taxes upon Incomes, from whatsoever origin they may arise, unbound by the necessity of apportionment amongst the several States, and independent of any Census or enumeration;

To levy Duties upon Goods exported from any State, or any Place under the Authority of these United States, with the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, provided such Impositions are uniformly applied to all States;

To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes living in the territory of these United States, as to guard against the concentration of trade in the hands of the Few and to uphold equitable dealings in Commerce;

To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To charter Banks and Trading Companies;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;

To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;

To dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States, with nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State;

To Hold in Trust and with Prudent Governance, the lands and waters throughout the United States, ensuring that certain forests, woodlands, rivers, and all such natural domains as determined by Law, are maintained in their pristine state;

To preserve the health and well-being of the citizenry throughout the United States;

To establish Institutions for promoting the diffusion of Knowledge;

To enact measures for promoting gainful employment and to assure a fair recompense for labor;

To ordain for the Succor and Support of the citizenry in times of pecuniary difficulty, including, but not limited to, situations of Want of employment, infirmity, and advanced years, thereby ensuring their Welfare and maintenance;

To safeguard the right of laborers to Congregate in Fellowship for their collective advantage and to partake in joint deliberation with their Proprietors or Masters, ensuring equitable Treatment;

To secure adequate and proper dwellings for all Citizens;

To enact measures for the amelioration and gradual Cessation of confinement due to Indebtedness;

To establish suitable measures for bestowing liberty and citizenship upon those Persons confined in bondage within the several States, or any place falling under the jurisdiction of these United States, for a term of Twenty-five Years subsequent to the ratification of this Constitution, with compensations therefor to be disbursed from the Treasury of the United States;

To impose and gather Taxes or Duties upon the migration and importation of Persons yoked in Servitude to any place within the jurisdiction of these United States, and to forbid such migration and importation, commencing Ten Years subsequent to the ratification of this Constitution, and to enforce the cessation of all manners of Involuntary Servitude of such Persons throughout the United States, or any territory under its dominion, Twenty-five Years following the ratification of this Constitution;

To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;

To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;—And

To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.

Section 9.

No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.

The official Affairs of the Government of these United States shall be transacted in the English Tongue; yet no Restriction or Ordinance shall be imposed upon the Choice of Languages for the execution of the official Business of any individual State.

No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.

Section 10.

No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation with another foreign Power; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.

No State shall invalidate any Law of the Congress, Executive Order and federal Court decision.

No State shall withdraw or secede from its membership in the Union.

No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, coin Money or emit Bills of Credit.

No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.

No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.

Article IV

Section 1.

The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and be elected, as follows.

Each State shall appoint a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.

Moreover, it is incumbent upon each State with more than a single Elector to ensure that roughly one half of their number of Electors, plus One Additional Elector, if necessary, are pledged to support the Person who hath secured the highest number of Votes from the People voting for the President within the State. This shall be achieved by the Legislature directing these Electors, chosen from amongst the adherents of the victorious Candidate, to faithfully represent the choice of the People.

The remaining half of the Electors shall be selected as the State's Legislature sees fit, provided that all of the remaining half of the Electors are not directed to give their Votes to the Person who hath secured the highest number of Votes from the People voting for the President within the State unless the chosen alternate Method of selecting such Electors produces a similar Result. The State Legislatures, with due deliberation, shall ensure a fair and proportionate representation of the remaining Electoral Votes that they are entrusted and that the varied opinions and interests of the populace may be justly reflected.

The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for the President. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit the Certificates sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the Electoral Commission.

Furthermore, it shall be the solemn duty of each State's government to certify the tally of all votes cast by the Citizenry within its jurisdiction for the office of President. This certification, being a true and faithful record of the People's choice, shall be conducted with all due diligence and integrity, as befits a matter of such grave import. Upon completion of this certification, each State shall forthwith transmit a certificate sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the Electoral Commission, with a detailed enumeration of the Persons voted for, and of the Number of votes for each Candidate. This list, duly signed and verified by the appropriate State authority, shall serve as the definitive account of the people's will, to be considered in conjunction with the Electors' votes in the final determination of the Presidential election.

The Electoral Commission and the Chief Justice of the United States, upon the invitation of the Electoral Commission, shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted.

The Person who hath received the Majority of Votes from the populace shall be declared the President, despite the Votes of the Electors. Should no Candidate obtain such a Majority, the Person who hath received the highest number of Votes from the populace, and also highest number of Votes of the Electors, shall be declared the President. Should no Candidate achieve such concurrence of popular and Electoral favor, a period of Sixty Days shall be afforded for all Electors to engage in consultation and reflection. During this time, they may form agreements or understandings, with the aim of bestowing a Majority of Electoral Votes upon a single Candidate.

During this interval, it shall be incumbent upon each State Legislature to furnish a suitable venue within their respective jurisdictions, wherein all of the State's Electors may convene, deliberate, and, if deemed necessary by their conscience and judgment, alter their Votes in accordance with the changing circumstances.

Upon the conclusion of this period, should any Elector find cause to amend their Vote, they shall be obliged to submit a new Certificate of their altered choice to the Electoral Commission.

The Electoral Commission, in turn, shall be charged with the responsibility of receiving these revised Certificates and ensuring their proper and Timely consideration in the final tally of Electoral Votes in the presence of Congress.

Should the deliberations amongst the Electors, following the conclusion of the Presidential Election, extend beyond the span of Sixty Days without yielding a clear and decisive result, the Electoral Commission shall then assume the responsibility to intercede. It shall be within the purview of the Electoral Commission to convene the Electors, or their designated Representatives, in a suitable place for the purpose of deliberation, should the need arise.

Upon such an occurrence, the Commission shall summon the Electors, or their designated Representatives that carry their votes with them, to a designated location, providing them with a forum to discuss and reconsider their Votes in light of the popular will. This assembly shall be conducted with all due decorum and regard for the gravity of the task, ensuring that each Elector or designated Representative of the Elector, with appropriate certification, is afforded the opportunity to reflect upon the sentiments of the populace whilst maintaining their own judgment.

The Commission shall ensure that this gathering occurs within a reasonable time frame, not exceeding Seventy-Five Days from the day of the Election, thereby allowing sufficient time for thoughtful consideration, but also ensuring a timely resolution.

Should no Candidate achieve a Majority after all the deliberations after a period of ninety Days from the day of the Election, the responsibility to elect the President shall fall to Congress of the United States. In this assembly, each Senator and Representative shall cast one Vote, with a Majority of all Representatives and Senators, respectively, required to elect the President. The Commission shall have the power to continue providing a forum for discussion and reconsideration of Votes of Senators and Representatives until a President is elected.

No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once.

No person elected to the office of the President through election by Congress, or through the Electors convened in a single location by the Electoral Commission, shall be able to run for a consecutive Term. After the Term of the next President expires, such person shall only be able to be elected President once.

It is incumbent upon the Legislatures of the several States to ordain and establish such methods and procedures as shall ensure the Fair and Orderly conduct of elections for the President. These procedures shall include provisions for the submission of candidature by those aspiring to the high office, ensuring that all eligible Candidates are afforded an equal opportunity to present themselves for the People's consideration. In the spirit of maintaining the sanctity and integrity of each citizen's vote, the States shall adopt the practice of the secret ballot for such an election. This mechanism, whereby the preference of each voter is shrouded in the utmost secrecy, shall be adopted to preserve the liberty and confidentiality of the vote. Such a method is essential to shield the voter from any manner of external sway or Compulsion, thereby ensuring that each Citizen may express their choice with freedom and without fear of repercussion or favor.

It is hereby advised that the Legislatures of the several States consider extending these principles and procedures to the election of Senators and Representatives. Such consideration would promote Uniformity and Fairness in the selection of those entrusted to represent the People in the Congress of the United States.

Furthermore, it shall be within the remit of the Electoral Commission to provide guidance and recommendations to the States on the establishment of common standards for these Elections. The Commission shall endeavor to ensure that the elections of the President, Senators, and Representatives are conducted under a harmonious and uniform System, as far as practicable, across the various States.

The Commission shall advise on matters including, but not limited to, the conduct of the secret ballot, the submission and verification of candidature, and the overall administration of Elections to federal Offices. Its counsel shall aim to foster a common framework that upholds the principles of fairness.

In so doing, the States shall regard the recommendations of the Electoral Commission with due consideration, adapting their laws and procedures accordingly, to ensure that the voice of every Citizen is heard and respected in the sacred Act of choosing their representatives.

Likewise, the Electoral Commission shall provide guidance and recommendations to the States on the establishment of Rules and Regulations governing the raising, expenditure, and reporting of monies in Elections for these federal Offices. Such guidance may include the fixing of reasonable Limits upon Contributions and Expenditures by Persons, Associations, or Bodies Corporate; the Prevention of undue Influence by foreign Powers or Persons; and the Requirement that all such Contributions and Expenditures be duly accounted for and made public, to uphold the Purity of Elections and the Equality of all Citizens in their Influence upon the public Councils.

The Electoral Commission may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States. It is recommended that this Day be treated with due regard, as a time set apart from ordinary pursuits, wherein the People may, without hindrance or encumbrance, exercise their solemn right and duty to vote.

No Person except a Citizen of the United States at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution shall be eligible to the Office of President and Vice-President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been Five Years a Resident within the United States, or a resident of the United States at the time of the ratification of this Constitution.

The President shall, of his own accord, and with the consent of the majority of Senators present, appoint or dismiss the Vice President of the United States, and may assign to him such duties and responsibilities as he deems fit, in addition to the duties and responsibilities assigned to the Vice President by this Constitution.

In the event of the removal of the President from Office, or upon his Death or Resignation, the Vice President shall forthwith assume the Office of President and be vested with all the Powers and Duties thereof. The President shall, of his own hand, deliver his written Resignation unto the Chief Justice of the United States, who shall thereupon certify the Vacancy and administer the Oath of Office to the lawful Successor, with all solemnity and as the Law shall ordain.

Should both the Offices of President and Vice President become vacant by reason of Death, Removal, or Resignation, the Chief Justice of the United States shall forthwith cause Notification to be made unto the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives in Writing. The Office of President shall then devolve upon such Officer as shall be designated by Law in the established Order of Succession, who shall be administered the Oath of Office by the Chief Justice and assume the Powers and Duties thereof until a lawful Successor be duly chosen by Election and sworn into Office in accordance to this Constitution. Provided, however, that if such Vacancy shall occur within one month preceding the appointed day of Election, the Officer succeeding to the Presidency shall be styled as Acting President and shall serve in that capacity until such time as a new President be lawfully chosen and invested with the Office. In the meantime, the Chief Justice shall take all measures necessary to uphold the Constitution and preserve the Laws and Dignity of the Union.

Congress shall have Power to establish by Law the Order of Succession to the Office of President beyond the Vice President, and to ordain such Provisions for the Continuity of Government as shall be judged necessary and Proper.

The terms of the President and the Vice President shall end at noon on the 10th day of March, unless the Electoral Commission shall decide on another day and time due to exceptional circumstances of a prolonged Electoral deliberation, preferably on the 10th day of April. The Electoral Commission shall also hold the power to determine a new date of the end of the term of the President and Vice-President, should such a measure be deemed necessary due to the extended process of Electoral deliberation.

Upon the election of a new President, it shall be the duty of the current President to allocate monies, as determined by the Congress, for the purpose of effecting a smooth transition of responsibilities and powers to the President-elect. Furthermore, it shall be incumbent upon the President to cooperate fully with the President-elect, to ensure that the transition of executive responsibilities and powers is conducted with all due expedience and efficiency.

In the event that the elected President die or rendered incapable of assuming the office before the 10th day of February, or another day and time that the Electoral Commission may decide due to exceptional circumstances of a prolonged Electoral deliberation, then the Chief Justice of the United States shall forthwith cause Notification to be made unto the Electoral Commission in Writing. The Electoral Commission shall then convene the Electors to meet again in their respective States, and vote, on their own volition, by Ballot for the President within a period of thirty Days from the day of the elected President's death or incapacity, then the election shall fall to the Congress of the United States if the Electors fail to deliver a conclusive result within the allotted Time.

In the event that the President, by his own hand, doth transmit a written declaration unto the Chief Justice of the United States, the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, acknowledging his incapacity to fulfill the powers and responsibilities of his office, the Vice-President shall thereupon assume and execute said powers and duties as Acting President. This arrangement shall persist until such time as the President doth provide a subsequent written declaration, signifying the restoration of his capacity to discharge his office, which shall likewise be transmitted unto the Chief Justice, the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Moreover, during the solemn proceedings of impeachment of the President, the Vice-President shall likewise stand as Acting President, thereby ensuring the unimpeded continuation of executive functions. The Chief Justice shall certify all such declarations and proclamations related to the transition of executive authority, and shall ensure their proper dissemination as the law shall prescribe.

Whenever the Vice President, in concordance with a majority of the principal officers of the executive departments, or of such other assembly as the Congress may by statute appoint, doth transmit unto the Chief Justice of the United States, the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives a written declaration of the President's incapacity to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall forthwith assume said powers and duties as Acting President. Subsequently, should the President transmit unto the Chief Justice, the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his own written declaration, asserting the absence of any such incapacity, he shall reclaim the powers and duties of his office, unless the Vice President and a majority of the aforementioned officers or body, as established by Congress, do within four days submit a counter declaration. In such an event, the Congress shall convene within Three Days, if it be not already in session, to resolve the matter. Should the Congress, within twenty-one days of receiving the latter declaration, or within twenty-one days after it is required to assemble, determine by a majority vote of both Houses that the President remains unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to execute these duties as Acting President. If not, the President shall resume his office with all its powers and duties.

The President and Vice-President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.

Upon Election, the President and Vice-President must resign from all prior Occupations and shall divest themselves from the management and active Oversight of their Private Enterprises, ensuring that such holdings are placed into trust or transferred under the temporary custodianship of a legally recognized trustee, which may include their lawful spouse, provided that she is deemed competent under the laws of the State in which the property resides. In the absence of a lawful spouse or where such custodianship is impracticable, an impartial steward or trustee shall be appointed, subject to congressional Oversight. They shall not engage in any employment, nor derive personal profit from their enterprises, for a period of three years after leaving Office. Within that period, they shall receive from the Treasury a monthly Compensation equal to that of their monthly Compensation before leaving their Office.

The President and Vice-President, upon their retirement from holding any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, shall receive a Pension from the Treasury of the United States, equal in measure to their last received monthly compensation during their term of service, if put together for a year, and may be adjusted based on compensations being received by sitting Presidents and Vice-Presidents and shall be paid annually for the remainder of their lives.

Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:—"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."

Until such time as the Chief Justice of the United States shall be duly appointed, the Oath of Office for the first President shall be administered by any Judge lawfully commissioned under the Authority of the United States, and such Oath shall be held as valid and binding as if administered by the Chief Justice.

In extraordinary Circumstances wherein the Chief Justice be absent, indisposed, or otherwise unable to administer the Oath of Office, it shall be lawful for any Judge, duly commissioned under the Authority of the United States, to administer the same unto the President-elect or lawful Successor; provided that such Administration shall receive the Assent of the Chief Justice, which may be granted retroactively upon due Consideration, and shall be held as binding and effectual as if delivered by the Chief Justice in Person.

Section 2.

The President shall be entrusted with the following Powers, under the conditions and constraints herein set forth:

To serve as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of these United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the Union;

To constitute a Council of principal Officers, known as the Cabinet of the United States, comprising the Vice-President and Secretaries of various executive Departments and offices as deemed necessary for the governance of the Union, with the President empowered to define its composition, summon it at will for counsel on state affairs, and propose to Congress the establishment or abolition of such Departments and offices as the needs of the Union dictate;

To preside over a Council convened for the discussion of matters of profound import and secrecy, critical to the preservation and prosperity of the United States, conducting such consultations with the greatest circumspection and under the most solemn pledge of silence; to ordain a gradation of intelligence within the government, permitting access to information of delicate and significant nature to the President, members of the Cabinet, and other high officers as their duties necessitate; to require of all those privy to these confidential affairs a grave oath, under the severest of penalties, for the safeguarding of the Union's sanctity; and to establish, with the concurrence of Congress, a mechanism of oversight and responsibility, ensuring that these clandestine dealings are executed with the utmost honor, integrity, and in the supreme interest of the United States;

To hold the privilege to solicit and heed advice from individuals of varied knowledge and sagacity, encompassing military leaders, foreign envoys, men of letters, and others esteemed for their understanding, on matters spanning the breadth of national concerns, whilst exercising discretion in the conduct of these consultations to preserve their confidentiality and efficacy, with the ultimate decision-making authority resting solely upon the President, acting within his powers expressly delegated by the Constitution, as is fitting for the chief executive of the United States;

To have the Authority to negotiate Treaties with foreign Powers and the Indian Tribes, and upon their conclusion and signing, to present such Treaties to the Senate for their Ratification, requiring the concurrence of a majority of the Senators present;

To authorize, in instances of imminent peril or sudden attack upon these United States, the commencement of defensive hostilities, with the power vested for a term not exceeding thirty days; thereafter, it shall be incumbent upon the President to seek and obtain the express approbation of Congress for the continuance or initiation of a state of War, which, for the purposes of this Constitution, is defined as any armed engagement with a foreign Power or Native American Indian Tribe extending beyond the duration of thirty days;

To grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment;

To appoint Ambassadors, members of the Cabinet, Judges of the inferior Courts, other public Ministers and Consuls, and all other Officers of these United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Senate and the House of Representatives may invite such Officers for inquiries in regard to the conduct of their duties for purpose of legislation or for possible recommendations to the President for their dismissal excepting the Vice-President and Judges of the inferior Courts and the supreme Court from such recommendations;

To dismiss from service any officials or officers of these United States whom he hath appointed that are not Judges of the supreme Court and other inferior Courts of the United States, should he deem their Continuance in office contrary to the public Weal and to nominate or appoint new ones in their stead;

To issue Directives, Proclamations and Orders, provided that all such Directives and Orders shall be committed to writing and duly published for public review to ensure respect for the Congress' prerogatives, and Provided that they shall not exceed the Executive's prerogatives under this Constitution;

To negotiate and conclude pacts for the acquisition of lands from foreign Powers and Native American tribes, subject to the concurrence of a majority of Senators present;

To deliver to both houses of Congress, in joint session, a yearly Account of the State of the Union, either in writing or in person, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient for the good governance and welfare of the Union;

To convene both Houses of the Congress, or either of them, upon extraordinary occasions. In cases of disagreement between the two Houses regarding the Time of Adjournment, he shall have the power to adjourn them to such Time as he deems proper;

To receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers;

To commission all Officers of the United States; —And

To ensure that the Laws of the Union are faithfully executed.

Section 3.

The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.

Article V

Section 1.

The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.

Congress shall possess the authority to determine the number of Justices to serve upon the Supreme Court, with the initial complement being fixed at seven, among them being the Chief Justice. The number of Justices shall increase by Two every Century of the Gregorian calendar.

There shall be formed a Committee of Examination, consisting of an equal number of members from the Senate and the House of Representatives, tasked with the scrutiny of those put forth for the office of Associate Justice and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and Judges of inferior Courts by the President. This Committee shall conduct its inquiries to the nominees with all due regard and shall present its findings to the Senate for its ultimate decision.

The proceedings of the Committee of Examination, as well as the proceedings for the approval of such nominations by the Senate, shall be conducted with due regard for openness, to uphold the confidence of the People in the fairness and integrity of the Supreme Court.

In the event of a vacancy in the Chief Justice's seat, the President shall have the authority to appoint one of the Associate Justices to serve temporarily in the Chief Justice's capacity as Acting Chief Justice, and to gain the vote of the vacant seat, until a new Chief Justice is appointed by the President, with the Advice and Consent, respectively, of the Committee of Examination and the Senate.

Upon the recommendation of the Committee of Examination, the Senate shall either provide or withhold its Consent to the nominations for the Supreme Court.

Should a vacancy occur among the Justices, the Chief Justice shall assume the responsibilities and duties of the vacant seat, along with the vote of the seat, until a new Justice is appointed.

Justices appointed to the Supreme Court and inferior courts shall serve with honor and diligence until the age of seventy years, at which time they shall be retired from the judicial service with a pension befitting their service to the United States.

No Judge of the Supreme Court and other inferior Courts, during the Time for which he was serving in his capacity, accept any Gift, Gratuity, Office, or Title of any kind from any King, Prince, or foreign State, nor shall they receive any Bribe or Donation, under penalty of forfeiture of their Office.

Upon their Appointment, Judges must resign from all prior Occupations and shall divest themselves from the management and active Oversight of their Private Enterprises, ensuring that such holdings are placed into trust or transferred under the temporary custodianship of a legally recognized trustee, which may include their lawful spouse, provided that she is deemed competent under the laws of the State in which the property resides. In the absence of a lawful spouse or where such custodianship is impracticable, an impartial steward or trustee shall be appointed, subject to congressional oversight. They shall not engage in any employment, nor derive personal profit from their enterprises, for a period of three years after leaving office. During this period, they shall receive from the Treasury a monthly compensation equal to their remuneration while in office. Within that period, they shall receive from the Treasury a monthly Compensation equal to that of their Compensation before leaving their Office.

It shall be deemed unseemly and contrary to the Spirit of impartial Justice for any Judge or Justice of these United States, whilst in the exercise of their solemn judicial duties, to seek or accept nomination or election to any public or civil Office of a political nature.

Section 2.

The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;—to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;—to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;—to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;—to Controversies between two or more States; between Citizens of different States,—between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.

The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.

In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.

The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.

Section 3.

The Supreme Court, in its esteemed role, shall hold the solemn duty to examine and adjudicate upon the alignment of laws enacted by the Congress, the statutes of the several States and Territories under the dominion of the United States, and the Directives and Orders issued by the Executive, with the Constitution. This venerable authority, known as Judicial Review, shall be vested not only solely in the federal Supreme Court but also in the inferior federal Courts of these United States.

It shall be incumbent upon the courts of Justice granted with such Authority to construe this Constitution with due regard to the gradual alterations and advancements of our state of affairs within the Union, and beyond, and in their wise adjudications, be swayed by the shifting exigencies and the advancing character of the age, ensuring that the essence and tenets of the Law remain in concert with the Union's ongoing advancement.

Section 4.

The Chief Justice of the United States shall, when duly requested by the President or Congress, provide counsel in matters touching the Constitution, the administration of Justice, and the preservation of Public Order. The Chief Justice shall, in due observance of the law, administer the Oath of Office to the President, preside over solemn occasions of national import, and, when so requested, represent the Union in such capacities as shall best uphold the principles of Justice and good Government. Likewise, upon the invitation of the President, the Chief Justice shall preside over solemn occasions concerning the Military Establishment of the Union, administering Oaths of Allegiance and Duty to the Officers of the Army and Navy as Congress shall ordain, ensuring that the conduct of those in Service be ever consonant with the Constitution and the liberties of the People.

In times of War, great Public Peril, or uncertainty, the Chief Justice may, upon the advice of the President or the assent of Congress, issue Proclamations in affirmation of the duties of those in Military Service to the defense of the Union and the preservation of constitutional order, which shall not encroach upon the rightful Authority of the Commander-in-Chief nor supersede the statutes governing the Military Establishment. As a steadfast steward of constitutional order, the Chief Justice shall offer such counsel and guidance to the several branches of Government as may be necessary to preserve the tranquility of the Union and the perpetuity of its Institutions. Should the Chief Justice, by reason of illness or incapacity, be unable to fulfill the duties herein prescribed, the discharge thereof shall be delegated to an Associate Justice appointed by the President to act as the Acting Chief Justice until the Chief Justice is restored to health.

Section 5.

Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.

The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.

Article VI

The Congress, through two-thirds of both Houses, with representation from both Houses voting per State, shall approve Amendments to this Constitution, if it deem necessary, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Constitutional Convention for proposing and approving of Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, with such Amendments added to the original Text as Codicils, detailing what is being Modified or Repealed from the original Text.

No Amendment shall be made to this Constitution which shall alter the Principles of the Union as a confederation of sovereign States or the Rights of the People to their Liberty, their Dignity, and the Government deriving its just Powers from their Consent. Nor shall any Amendment be made to annul these Principles or the Republic's commitment to the common Good, save by the unanimous Consent of the several States.

The Same methods for making Amendments could also be applied in proposing a complete Revision of this Constitution through Congress or a Constitutional Convention making a new Constitution.

Article VII

All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Continental Confederation.

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.

Article VIII.

The Ratification of the State Legislatures of Three-Fourths of States that agreed to the Declaration of Independence, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.

--------------------------------------------------------
No links or notes added to explain this document since this is just a preview of what is to come and a hint of how the United States might look like and move forward after independence.
As for that hint, I can give a little warning. A lot of the provisions of this Constitution may look modern or sound modern, but this is still not a modern document with modern implementations or interpretations given the time period and the prevailing environment, despite the "evolved" attitudes of its main Framers, aided by the Oracle.